Tuesday, September 8, 2015

Story of Pakistan by a Civil Servant 1951-2013 A New Book



Story of Pakistan by a Civil Servant
1951-2013

Syed Munir Husain’s memoirs 

Surviving the Wreck: A Civil Servant’s Personal History of Pakistan. A New Book

Hussain has much to say about the events that took place during his time as a civil servant and casts new light on the characters of people he served with. During his illustrious career, Hussain held important positions at some critical junctures in the history of Pakistan.

Published by ILQA-An Imprint of READINGS, Lahore (www.readings.com.pk )

      Syed Munir Husain was born in Lahore on May 22, 1928. Having had an M.A. in Economics from Government College Lahore, he taught Economics in the same college for a while but then joined the Civil Service of Pakistan. He spent next 35 years of his life in the Civil Service. Currently, he lives in Lahore.

Husain’s main career at a glance:

-          Deputy Commissioner, Hazara(1959-1961)
-          Deputy Commissioner, Karachi (1961-1964)
-          Information Secretary, West Pakistan (1964-65)
-          Director General Radio Pakistan (1966-1969)
-          Chief Administrator and Commissioner, Malakand Division (1969-70)
-          Managing Director, Pakistan Television Corporation (1971)
-          Chief Secretary, Government of Balochistan (1973-76)
-          Chief Secretary, Government of NWFP (1976-77)
-          Federal Secretary, Ministry of States and Frontier Regions (1983-87)
-          Federal Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (1987-1988)
-          President, Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan (1988)
-          Principal, Administrative Staff College, (1990)
-          President of Rahnuma (1996-2005). Rahnuma isthe largest non-governmental organization concerned with promoting family welfare in Pakistan.
-          President South Asia Regional Council (SARC) (2003-2008)
-          Member of governing council of International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) London(1998-2008)
He was the Information Secretary West Pakistan during the 1965 Indo-Pak War and served as Director General Radio Pakistan for a long time soon after the war. He was the Chief Administrator Malakand Division when the merger of Swat state took place. He held the important position of Managing Director Pakistan Television Corporation during the East Pakistan debacle and the 1971 Indo-Pak War. Bhutto appointed him the Chief Secretary Balochistan where he played a reconciliatory role in the Marri tribe insurgency. He was NWFP’s chief Secretary when General Zia ousted Bhutto and imposed martial law. Junejo made him the Information Secretary Pakistan to Zia’s utter disliking.



In Pakistan, it is rare that people privy to political history in makingpen down their memoirs. Bureaucrats are one such people. Not only do they witness some key events in the history of a nation but play important roles in some of them. Yet, their contribution to the written word in our troubled history is negligible and any addition to it always helpsus see it anew.

Contents
Preface 1
1 Family Antecedents, Academic Life and Civil Service Training 
2 Active Service in the Frontier Province
3 Martial Law and Its Impact on District Administration
4 Relative Freedom of District Administration from the Interference of Governance
5 President Ayub Khan’s Election and the 1965 War with India
6 Role of Radio and the Abdication of President Ayub Khan
7 The Merger of Swat States
8 East Pakistan Debacle
9 Marri Tribe Insurgency and Deployment of Army
10 Aftermath of National Elections in 1977 214
11 1982 Decimal Population Census and Repercussion of Russian Invasion of Afghanistan
12 Cleavage Between President Zia and Prime Minister Junejo
13 Return of Civilian Rule
14 Civil Services under Martial Law and Civilian Rule
15 Need for a Durable Governance
16 Nation’s Capacity to Address Its Painful Past
Acknowledgments
Index

Acknowledgments
The main support to write this book came from my wife Maliha Munir Hussain, my sons Syed Mansoor Hussain and Syed Masroor Hussain, and my son in law Major Tariq Mahmood. In hindsight, I realize this work could not have been accomplished without their affection and encouragement.
I am especially grateful to Anwaar Nasir and Aamir Riaz of ILQA Publications for their editorial advice, for improvements in the format of the manuscript and giving shape to the book.
Finally, I would like to thank Rahmat Ali Sajid for the laborious work of typing and then computer composing the manuscript written in my long hand.

Extracts

1.    The narrative, basically, covers what I experienced under the changing structures of governments under civilian and martial law dispensations as they impacted more specifically upon political and administrative institutions and the quality of Civil Services in general. Regretfully, this short and important history is characterized by constitutional abrogation, dire ineptitude of civilian rule and a pathetic degeneration of the bureaucracy. The politicization of the latter by its masters has grievously disrupted its neutrality and competence, a vital hallmark of good administration. These developments have led to daunting challenges the nation faces today and have caused widespread dismay, clouding the prospects of its future prosperity and progress.
2.    I was born in Lahore in ‘Al-Faiz’, the house of my maternal grandfather, on Lytton Road on 22nd May, 1928. The ancestors of my father Syed Nazir Hussain had migrated from Bokhara in Central Asia and one of them, Syed Shah Salim, a pious spiritual Syed, settled in a small village known as Kala Chechi in Shakargarh tehsil in Sialkot district during the reign of Aurangzeb, the Mughal Emperor. Our lineage goes back to Syed Shah Jamal, a Sufi saint, buried in Lahore.
3.    I could never imagine the dreadful dimension of this animosity. The joy of freedom was marred by this senseless carnage. This was the darkest period in the life of the affected population in our history. Marauding gangs drawing blood with abandon roamed fearlessly and the law enforcement agencies were totally helpless. Before the time of independence and after, there was a stream of caravans of refugees reaching Lahore from India on foot, some on bullock carts, ravished by deadly assaults by their neighbours with whom they had lived for decades in harmony.
4.    The standard of coffee at the Coffee House was good and it was cheap. The visitors’ freedom was unfettered to say what they wanted to on everything under the sun. There were biting discussions, hilarious laughter and at the end of the day, a well earned catharsis.
5.    Lahore was at peace with itself. There was tranquillity, the city not overburdened by a population, freedom of movement undeterred from the fear of miscreants. There were many educational institutions, schools and colleges; girls riding their bicycles on the main thoroughfares were a common sight. Cycles had to be equipped with lamps in front of the handles, tongas had to fix double lamps on either side and bullock carts had to have lanterns hanging beneath in darkness. If the lamp on the cycle were dysfunctional, the rider would dismount, walk with the cycle before he could be eyed by a policeman.
6.    I joined the Civil Service Academy as a CSP under training officer in the defunct Resident of the Punjab States Premises on the Mall Road, Lahore with its beautifully extended lawns on 1st October 1952.
7.    The historic importance of the Frontier Province continued to attract eminent personalities who were visiting Pakistan as state and official guests. A high powered Chinese Delegation arrived in the later part of November 1955. At that time, after the close down of the Governor House, Peshawar was not well equipped to host such guests.
8.    A radical change had taken place in the power structure of Administration after the promulgation of the Material Law of October 1958. The district administration had gone under the control of the Army reducing the civil hierarchy to complete subservience to the Martial Law office bearers
9.    Sardar Bahadur Khan (Elder Brother of Ayub Khan..Bloger)had a close friendship with Zafar-ul- Ahsan and wanted to know what could be done to save him. I was a Junior Officer. I could only suggest that he could talk to the President who was his brother if he felt so strongly about it. Evidently, he did talk to the President, but when the list was out, it contained the name of Zafar-ul-Ahsan. The removal of those top officers certainly was a despotic act on the part of the President and smelt of some lingering vendetta he had against them. The other clear message of that deliberate act was to warn the senior bureaucracy to fall in line with the Martial Law regime and refrain from becoming a stumbling block against it.
10.  They were not many. I remember Professor Munir Choudhry, Tofazzal Hossain Manik Miah and Mahmud Ali. The first question that was asked sarcastically was: ‘Is Kashmir, a disputed territory, dearer than East Pakistan to the leadership of West Pakistan? Why was the sovereignty of the country subjected to such a risk?’ I did not realize how strong the sentiment was on that account. East Pakistan had no significant defence support against India and its intelligentsia felt that for those seventeen days it had been left at the total mercy of India. The other complaint was that none of the top leadership had taken the trouble to visit East Pakistan.
11.  A new development took place in February 1968 when the President suddenly fell seriously ill. He recovered by the end of the month but was not the same Ayub Khan after the episode. The illness had exhausted him and he took quite a time to regain his energy. He had skipped his monthly address to the Nation and when I met him at his next address he was visibly weak. His gusto to ask questions of what was happening in the country had visibly declined. His top associates also felt the same but refrained from discussing it. The latter part of the 1968 witnessed a serious deterioration of peace and security directly threatening his authority.
12.  In East Pakistan, the political situation was not very different. The Agartala Conspiracy case involving Mujibur Rahman and some officers was considered by the opposition to be a concocted one. Its trial had infuriated the opposition and the house where Justice S. A. Rahman, who had been appointed as the chairman of the tribunal, was living was put on fire.
13.  The arrest of Bhutto had further inflamed the sentiments of the people. Staff of some government departments had come out on roads with slogans against Ayub Khan. A procession on the Murree Road in Rawalpindi did not spare even the serving Chief Secretary of West Pakistan, who was on his way to attend a meeting in Islamabad. He was made to come out of his car and forced to raise a slogan against Ayub Khan. It was apparent that the law and order machinery had collapsed.
14.  On the 28th of November 1969, I switched the television on to know what General Yahya Khan had to say in his important address to the Nation. It was a shock when he abruptly announced the abolition of One Unit and the abrogation of the Constitutional Provision of parity between the two Wings of Pakistan. These two principles had been assiduously worked out by the leading lawmakers of both East and West Pakistan. Whatever the merits or demerits of the Constitutional Provisions, a Martial Law dictator had no mandate to abolish them. It was most painful to hear his speech.
15.  while taking tea I drew his(General Niazi) attention to a clandestine Bangladesh Radio Station operating from Calcutta, pouring hate programmes and instigating the Bengalis to rise against the army. He just brushed it aside and gave no importance to it. That alarmed me and his frank talk confirmed my suspicion that there was no sign of a let up in the army operation reducing the chances of a political solution to the barest minimum. His chauvinistic temperament very much matched that of the senior army brass headed by Yahya Khan.
16.  The Chinese delegation had arrived and the hosts were waiting to receive the President. Yahya Khan arrived with an unsteady gait escorted by two prominent, very well dressed ladies and was helped to the podium where the Chinese Ministers were already seated. Yahya Khan was conspicuously under the influence of liquor and we were very apprehensive whether he would be able to address the audience at all. However, when invited to address, he was able to stand up, made some odd remarks, thanked the Chinese guests and sat down. The function was very well attended and the atmosphere in the hall was in total contrast to the tragic happenings taking place in East Pakistan. The body language of the serving brass of the Army present in the function did not give the least impression of the imminent danger Pakistan was facing with the breakaway of East Pakistan.
17.  Back in the office of the Secretary Information, a puerile debate was in progress about the nature of the news to be announced of that traumatic surrender. At the same time, there was talk of the outline of a new constitution that was to be announced by the President. It looked so absurd in view of what had already taken place in Dhaka. How could the intensity of the debacle be hidden from the citizens of Pakistan! Finally, couched in as innocuous a form as possible, the news of the surrender and fall of Dhaka was announced on the electronic media. On 17th December, Pakistan Government accepted the ceasefire.
18.  How could the pain of the defeat be alleviated without arousing the anger of citizens against Yahya Khan and his Army Junta? The reaction was swift and there were reports of an uprising by an army unit of Kharian Cantt. against Yahya Khan. There were also reports of an attack on the private residence of Yahya Khan in Peshawar. The circumstances forced him to invite Bhutto who was abroad and who on returning to Rawalpindi was made to takeover as the Martial Law Administrator and the President of Pakistan. That was the unceremonious end of the Martial Law regime which unfortunately presided over the breakup of the country.
19.  Another irritant for the Bengali population, a legacy from the past, was the absence of their representation at the senior level of civil administration of East Pakistan. The glaring absence was far more evident in the case of defence services. In the case of the civil, the void had been filled up perforce by posting non-Bengali officers, some of whom were quite unpopular and disliked for their overbearing behaviour. The paucity of the officer cadre was substantially overcome gradually as time passed and Bengali officers manned their senior positions in their administrative set up. In the case of defence services, it took them far longer to get some representation.
20.  The 1965 War with India had a disastrous impact on the psyche of the intelligentsia of East Pakistan. Voices were heard loud and clear that the government was thoroughly incapable of defending East Pakistan, literally left at the mercy of India during the shocking experience of seventeen days of 65 War. There were outbursts of anger that the disputed territory of Kashmir was considered more precious than the interest of East Pakistan. One of their charges was that not even one leader of East Pakistan was taken into confidence before embarking on the ill-conceived adventure that led to the war. In the aftermath of the war, the talk had started about the six points of Mujibur Rahman, the Awami League leader.
21.  General Yahya Khan’s Martial Law that ended with the breakup of the country with ninety thousand Pakistani troops taken as prisoners of war had seriously impaired the image of the army. The cry for its non-intervention in future was loud and clear. Bhutto had arrived almost as a deliverer with unquestioned authority, endowed with both competence and vigour. He achieved the unique distinction of giving the 1973 Constitution to the country and having succeeded in restoring Pakistan’s image as a democratic country
22.  What was most upsetting was the rumour gaining currency that Akbar Bugti had a hand in the murder of the Pakhtoon leader as he was alleged to have resisted the efforts of Achakzai to settle Pakhtoon migrants in Quetta upsetting the demographic balance to the disadvantage of the Baloch Population. It was a sinister rumour that had serious law and order implications. The immediate question was whether the governor should visit Gulistan, the hometown of Achakzai, about thirty miles away from Quetta that very night for condolences. There was strong opposition as some felt that the security of Bugti was at stake.
23.  In the third week of December 1973, I received Mustafa Khar, the Governor of Punjab, who was on a short visit to meet Bugti. His visit was followed by Aslam Khattak, the Governor of NWFP, and he too had a meeting with Bugti. Both the visitors never divulged their mission. It soon transpired that Bugti had resigned and their visits to placate him had failed. Only subsequent events unfolded the growing differences that Bugti had developed with Bhutto which led him to take the decision. Akbar Bugti was highly autocratic but decisive and full of courage.
24.  The Khan of Kalat Mir Ahmad Yar Khan(He was the same person who stayed with Quaid e azam after 14 august 1947 for 22 days at Karachi..Blogger) was appointed his successor as governor. Bhutto talked to me on the phone on 4th January 1974 and said that with the change of the governor he expected the administration to effectively face all the challenges confronted by the volatile province, particularly the need to maintain law and order. Khan of Kalat whom I had not met before wanted to have a detailed briefing soon after I received him at the Quetta railway station. He had been the Begler-Begli (Khan of Khans) as a despotic ruler of the Kalat state and now had to adjust to his new office accepting its constitutional limitations, with a cabinet intact under the chief minister, responsible for the running the Government.
25.  Soon after coming into power, Ataullah Mengal’s government decided in great haste to replace the non Baloch members of the bureaucracy with Baloch personnel to make up for the latter’s deficiency in the services. It created a serious anti-settler environment that led to a large-scale exodus of the settlers whose families had migrated to Balochistan decades earlier from other parts of Pakistan. Institutions such as education, health, local government, railways and police suffered most and the province got denuded of trained personnel. The charged atmosphere even led to armed attacks on the Punjab settlers in the Pat feeder area of Temple Dera. As Governor, Akbar Bugti condemned this action and reversed the policy. Frightened and dishearted, not all but quite a few of the evacuated settlers returned to their jobs.
26.  Hafeez Pirzada was the first Minister of Information and Broadcasting appointed by Bhutto when he assumed full powers as the President on 20th December 1971. He was rated one of the best amongst the cabinet ministers. In his subsequent role as Minister of Inter Provincial Affairs, he visited Balochistan on a few occasions to deal with Balochistan issues that cropped up for resolution by the Federal Government. He had an interest in wild feather bird shooting as a hobby. After busy days of official work, he had an exciting shoot along with me in a rugged terrain in a distantly removed area of the province. That evening on my return to Quetta, Vaqar Ahmad, the Cabinet Secretary, rang up, and on his enquiry I confirmed that we had been away on a day’s shoot. He reported that Prime Minister Bhutto, who was in Canada on a state visit, had come to know about the shoot on a working day and that I should inform Hafeez Pirzada about it. I replied that as he was a minister, it was appropriate that he talked to him personally. (It shows how angry Bhutto was. ...Blogger)
27.  Lt. General Akbar as Corps Commander was very well conversant with the prevailing situation in Balochistan. He agreed with me that as soon as the disturbance ended in Marri area, those who surrendered should be treated generously as that was the only course to achieve reconciliation and to prevent alienation of the Baloch tribes. That policy was pursued faithfully which ushered an era of peace in the area. About that time, he called me on the phone and came to see me in the afternoon. He was depressed and said that he was resigning. He added that he had been passed over by a junior Lt. General Zia-ul-Haq for the post of Chief of the Army Staff. He added that the Defence Minister, General Tikka Khan, had recommended him for the office on account of his seniority, but Bhutto had decided otherwise. I tried to prevail on him not to take a hasty decision but he had made up his mind. It was confirmed by the evening TV news. He resigned and, after a few farewells, left Quetta to be succeeded by Lt. General Arbab.
28.  Later, Bhutto called me at the Residency where he was staying, dressed in his casual militia shirt and shalwar. He was keen to know why General Zia-ul-Haq had come to Sibi to receive him and who had invited him. Nobody had invited him from our side and possibly he had come on his own to register his loyalty to the Prime Minister and Army’s support for his Balochistan Policy. General Zia-ul-Haq had the habit of greeting dignitaries by extending both hands for a handshake. While greeting the Prime Minister he had showed extra courtesy by bowing which had been noticed by those present at the helipad. This, too, was of no significance for us but Bhutto said: ‘Why did Zia-ul-Haq stoop low to greet me? He is the COAS and should behave like a full general.’
29.  Bhutto’s brilliance was generally acknowledged. There were no charges of corruption against him. Above all he had succeeded in restoring Pakistan’s image as a democratic country. The agitation could have ended if he had ordered re-election. He possibly would have won and become prime minister for the second term. His over reliance on General Zia-ul-Haq, who betrayed him, was another reason for his exit.
30.  The State and Frontier Regions was kept out of it totally. It became a serious threat to the maintenance of law and order in the country. The illicit sales taking place in the tribal areas and Balochistan were in full knowledge of President Zia-ul-Haq. The worst part of this was the neglect of the martial law authorities to plug the source. This failure further resulted in the sale of these weapons (Kalashnikov) in the settled districts of Pakistan. It was to become later a great threat to the life and security of the people. That period of turmoil in the tribal areas also witnessed an abundance of opium and setting up of small scale illegal factories for the production of heroine. In a short period, the incidence of its use in Pakistan went up dramatically and not much was done to check this menace.
31.  A few days later, there was a function in the Presidency which I attended officially. Zia-ul-Haq while receiving invitees was at his best, shaking hands warmly with his usual smile on his face. When he saw me, standing next to the person who had met him, the warmth disappeared suddenly, the smile turned into a serious look and he said: ‘I know you have taken over as Secretary Information.’ That was enough for me to make out how upset he was and the difficulties I foresaw for myself.
32.  On another occasion, the President rang me at 12 o’clock midnight, his usual time to call, and said cynically: ‘I think I am no longer the President of Pakistan in your eyes?’ It was a very upsetting remark. I said: ‘Sir, what has happened?’ He said that Siddiq Salik would brief me in the morning. The complaint was that TV had deliberately cut out his activities and was instead giving time to the Prime Minister who was on an extended tour of the Sindh province.
33.  Unfortunately, Zia-ul-Haq developed a complex that he was being deliberately ignored and greater importance was being given to his handpicked Prime Minister. We were well aware of his penchant for his personal publicity on the television network. He had had an unfettered sway over the electronic media as the martial law dictator and could never reconcile to anyone becoming his rival. On the other hand, the Prime Minister was much more accommodating and except on one or two occasions, he did not want it to become a controversial issue between him and the President.
34.  The venue of the meeting was the old circuit house in Rawalpindi quite close to the residence of the President. It took me a few minutes to be there. Zia-ul-Haq was strolling in the veranda and I could see he was in a bad mood. He shook hands and abruptly asked me: ‘Is the meeting over? Have you given anything in writing to the press?’ I replied that I had verbally briefed the press informing them that the meeting presided over by the Prime Minister had by general consensus decided to support the Geneva meeting. He kept quiet but I sensed he was boiling with rage. I soon left. My immediate feeling was either Zia totally disapproved of the decision taken by that important meeting or he could not tolerate being excluded from the deliberations as Afghan policy was his exclusive preserve.
35.  In November 1987, I was on tour in Balochistan when the Prime Minister asked me to return immediately to the capital. I went straight to his office where Kazi Abid, the Information Minister, was already present. The Prime Minister handed one of the three copies of an Urdu Journal (Siasi Log) lying on his table. (Ch Ghulam Hussain now an anchor at channel 24 was editor of Siasi Log..Blogger)I hurriedly went through its main contents and was terribly dismayed at the malicious attack on his person. It was all eulogy for Zia-ul-Haq and demanded of him to sack the Prime Minister. The alleged writer was known to be one of Zia-ul- Haq’s henchmen. Junejo as Prime Minister could not stomach the crude attempt to defame him.
36.  Reports started circulating that the arsenal had exploded before a combatant team from the United States was on a scheduled visit to check the record of weapons supplied by USA for the Mujahedeen fighting in Afghanistan. Earlier, there was talk about the illicit sale of some Stringer missiles. Accusations were heard that the destruction of the dump was deliberate to cover up the alleged pilferage. It was being guessed that a dozen Stringer missiles were destroyed and at least ten army men and civilians in the camp had lost their lives. Responding to the demand for an enquiry into this tragedy, Prime Minister Junejo set up a high powered committee comprising of Aslam Khattak, the Senior Minister, Kazi Abdul Majeed Abid, the Information Minister, and Rana Naeem Mahmood, the Deputy Defence Minister. The Prime Minister further announced that he would report the findings of the committee on 8th June 1988, when the National Assembly met for its next session. He announced that nobody would be spared found responsible for the trauma. Subsequently, there were unconfirmed reports that the Senior Minister had confidentially leaked out the initial findings of the culpability of two senior generals to Zia-ul-Haq, before the session of the National Assembly in June. The findings of the committee never saw the light of the day.
37.  It was a rude shock, though not entirely unexpected. My first reaction was that we were back to square one and how futile it was to expect an army dictator willingly conceding executive powers to a civilian democrat. Zia could not tolerate even limited freedom of action to his handpicked Prime Minister. There was despondency all around. The first man to visit me after the news was Ehsanul Haq, the Principal Information Officer of the Information Ministry. He was terribly agitated and said: ‘It is horrible. Zia would be murdered soon by someone for his despicable act. I advised him to control himself. Then followed Salim Gilani and Agha Nasir, both morose and crestfallen. All three stated that immediately after leaving the Prime Minister’s meeting which was still continuing, they proceeded to the President House where some pressmen were waiting for the President’s briefing. They were to accompany the President on his foreign tour starting next day. General Rafaqat, the Chief of Staff, took all three to a separate room and ordered them to announce the decision of the dismissal of the cabinet on the electronic news network. They were forced to comply as they had no other option. It was a pre-planned strategy of the President. The three top officers of the ministry had worked with me with great commitment in difficult times. I realized their predicament and advised them to get in touch with the Presidents staff henceforth for further directions.
38.  That was the end of Zia era that stretched from 5th July 1977 to 17th August 1988. A period of eleven years and one month exceeding Ayub Khan’s stay in power by eight months. Put together, the two Army Generals ruled for 21 years and eight months. If the two years and 8 months of Yahya’s rule is added, then the army stayed in power for 24 years and four months out of a total 41 years of Pakistan’s young life. How could have anyone expected the democratic institutions taking roots under such circumstances?
39.  The recurrence of martial law regimes had done incalculable damage to the growth of democratic institutions. The neutrality and impartiality of the senior civil servants had equally suffered. It had imposed an intolerable strain on their rectitude.
40.  The image of the Civil Services in civil administration, police, revenue collection, railways, semi-autonomous organizations was poor and bureaucracy had become a pejorative word. The problems that the public faced at their hands were corruption, arbitrary decision-making, perfunctory commitment and inefficiency. All were serious charges that impaired the effectiveness of governance. These ills had developed over a period of time. The bureaucracy had to accept the blame but both the military and civil rulers that governed the country were equally responsible for polluting their quality.
41.  Another frightening factor is that 38 percent of our population comprises the youth under the age of 15 years (Population Reference Bureau – 2014). The number is approximately 64 million, close to the population of United Kingdom or France. Already the pressure is intense on the available education and health facilities. Jobs are non-existent and it is not certain if the absorptive capacity of the country can still find gainful employment for youth. Exodus from the rural areas has contributed to heavy concentration in the urban centres. Conditions of housing have gone worse and there is a plethora of slums and, Katchi Abadis. The size of major cities has almost doubled. We have seen with our own eyes the growing pollution and the devastation of the physical infrastructure.
42.  The phenomenal deterioration that has taken place in the performance of the public services is a major problem facing the Nation today. As an integral part of the executive, their malfunctioning has immensely contributed to the poor standard of governance. It is ironic that after independence, having earned the credit for sustaining a fledgling state against heavy odds, its graph of performance has gone down so low.
43.  During Ayub Khan’s martial law, both politicians and civil servants came under serious stress. Politics was completely marginalized and leading politician barred from any political activity. Within one year of his rule, Ayub Khan dismissed a dozen of the senior most civil servants from the former Indian Civil Service, (designated later as the Civil Service of Pakistan) without due enquiry. Whether it was their prestige of office that offended him or a personal ill-will that impelled him to take such drastic action is difficult to say. But what was certain was to cut the senior bureaucracy to size with a message to the rest to realize its utter subservience to the army set up.
44.  Zia as a full-fledged dictator used the army to the hilt. His friendly posture towards the senor civil officers betrayed his vindictiveness for those he did not like. Loyalty to him became a cardinal criterion of selecting officers for the top positions in the government. He did not carry out a one time purge, but had no tolerance for any supposedly dissident civil servant. He was generous in extending patronage to his favourites, seconded defence personnel to key civilian organizations, and went to the extent of appointing top brass members of the defence services as Chairmen of Federal and Provincial Public Service Commissions who were hardly familiar with the ethos of the Civil Services. After dismissing Mohammad Khan Junejo, his handpicked Prime Minister, he removed the top civilian officials of doubtful loyalty to him. In order to legitimize Bhutto’s removal, he set an ugly precedent by coercing members of the Civil Services to give statements of his alleged misdeeds. Conformity to his autocratic rule was thus fully ensured.
45.  Pervez Musharraf lost sight of or was incapable of comprehending the core problems of the bureaucracy – corruption and malfunctioning. His objective to hasten the devolution reforms, although sound in principle, should have been aimed at strengthening the local government institutions until the nazims had acquired appropriate maturity to take over complete control over the district administration including that of the police. The reforms soon came into clash with the political and administrative interests of the newly elected provincial governments who declined to extend their ownership to the changes.
46.  Democratic government once again returned to power in 2008. Both the federal and provincial governments were confronted with the chronic problems of law and order, socioeconomic challenges and a poor standard of governance. There is no evidence in the change of mindset regarding their dealings with the Civil Services. Favouritism at the expense of merit continues to be the dominant factor and whimsical decisions on their part are not uncommon. The concept of tenure has lost its significance and unwarranted transfers are the order of the day. The authorized offices responsible for the oversight of their subordinates have been bypassed and the age-old requisite of the maintenance of discipline has been ruined. Hardly any enthusiasm is left of a serving officer to demonstrate his powers when on the slightest pretext he is changed and made an officer on special duty (OSD) without a job. These factors have long been overlooked that have continued to the crisis of implementation and the poor performance of the services.
47.  The responsibility to undertake reforms under a constitutional set up is ultimately with the political governance. It should take the bold step to restore the neutrality of the Civil Service and desist from using them as its political tool. This addiction is not likely to be given up easily but this is one of the root causes of bureaucratic malaise responsible for the prevailing systemic chaos. This affliction has hitherto failed to attract the support that this vital reform deserves but without addressing it the other administrative reforms would remain totally inconclusive.
48.  The multitude of mediocre students passing out of the colleges finds it increasingly difficult to secure jobs, resultantly ending as a frustrated and disillusioned community. Lack of any distinct screening for ascertaining academic aptitude and a neglect of providing technical education at the school leaving stage has aggravated these problems. The whole educational apparatus is in shambles and the educational bureaucracy has much to account for this state of affairs.
49.  The obvious option, considering the past chequered history of governance is adherence and commitment to constitutional rule. As the important role of the defence forces as aid in support of the government in cases of emergency is well specified, it is needless for them to engage in civilian problems that impact upon their professional capabilities and supplant their combatant strength. The people of Pakistan have a great affection for the army. At its various tiers of command, it is well educated, highly professionally trained and aware of the challenges that the Nation faces. Hardly anyone would doubt its spirit of patriotism. The human stock is the same to which the defence personnel and civilians belong serving the government all put together are loyal citizens. However, the civil military divide, an outcome of the past martial law regimes, influenced a segment of the defence personnel developing a disdain for their civilian counterparts. This divide should not oust the huge amount of affection and goodwill the people have for the armed forces. The obvious course for the armed forces and civilian set ups is to stay within their respective callings under the framework of the constitution.
50.  The print and electronic media are on a strong and solid ground to thwart any official attempt to throttle their independence. Its courageous watchdog role over governance functionaries and exposing their exploitative proclivities of self-aggrandizement are a marked factor in its present stage of growth. It has not shied away from any obstacle from its dogged support of public rights and freedom.



No comments:

Post a Comment

Linguistic diversity is the backbone of Mother Tongue movement: An unfortunate case of Bengali

  Linguistic diversity is the backbone of Mother Tongue movement An unfortunate case of Bengali  In 1999 Bangladesh initiated 21st Feb as In...